The Suffragist, vol. 2, no. 37, September 12, 1914, p. 4

Boxes

THE ELECTION POLICY

Congressional Union for Woman Suffrage

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MISS ALIOE PAUL, N. J., Chairman MISS LUCY BURNS, N. Y., Vice-Chairmsn MRS. DONALD HOOKER, Md., Chairman of Finance MRS. MARY BEARD, N. Y. MRS. O. H. P. BELMONT., N. Y. MRS. CRYSTAL EASTMAN BENEDIOT, N. Y. MRS. GILSON GARDNER, D. C. MISS ELSIE HILL, Conn. MRS. WM. KENT, Cal. MRS. LAWRENCE LEWIS, JR., Pa.

NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS—1420 F STREET WASHINGTON, D. C.

COLORS—PURPLE, WHITE AND GOLD Senate Resolution 130, and House Resolution 1

Proposing an amendment to the Constitution of the United States extending the right of suffrage to women.

Resolved by the Senate and House of of the United States of America in Congress bled thirds of sach House concurring therein), That the follow. ing article be proposed to the legislatures of the several States as an amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of the said legin tures, shall be valld as part of said Constitution, namely: “ARTICLE.—SECTION 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. SEC. 2. Congress shall have power, by legislation, to enforce the provisions of this article."" HISTORY OF AMENDMENT

Introduced: In the Senate: 7, 1913, by Senator George E. Chamberlain, of Oregon. In the House: April 7, 1913, by Representative Frank W. Mondell, of Wyoming. Referred: In the Senate: April 7, 1918, to the Woman Suffrage Committee. In the House: April 7, 1913, to the Judiciary Committee. Reported:

In the Senate: June 13, 1918, favorable report. In the House: May 5, 1914. Reported without recommendation. Discussed:

In the Senate: July 31, 1913, twenty-two Senators in favor, three September 18, 1913, Senator Wesley L. Jones, of Washington, demanded immediate action. On January 21, 1914, Senator Ashurst of Arizona, delivered a speech urging the passage of the Amendment. Made unfinished business, March 2, 1914. Debated almost continuously from March 2d to March 19th. Voted Upon:

In the Senate: March 19, thirty-five Senators in favor, thirty-four opposed, failing by eleven of the necessary twothirds vote. Reintroduced In the Senate: March 30, 1914, by Senator Bristow, of Kansas. Reported In the Senate: April 7, favorable report. Present Status: In the Senate: On Calendar of Senate. In the House: On Calendar of House.

ONR the hrst time in this country, suffragists F are planning to enter a national election campaign. For the first time we are strong enough to warrant such action. It was the winning of full suffrage in Kansas, Arizona and Oregon in 1912 and the winning of Presidential suffrage in Illinois in 1913 that made the agitation a matter of national moment. Suffrage has sufficient strength today to carry the Federal amendment in the present Congress, if that strength is focussed upon Congress. The vast suffrage sentiment in the unenfranchised states added to the suffrage votes in the enfranchised states make an irresistible force to which any political party must bow if that force is but gathered up and concentrated upon the national government. We must see to it that this force is not dissipated—is not weakened by being directed toward many objects. We must realize the importance of concentration of effort, of pouring money and energy into the channel where it will count the most. If the whole country will concentrate on the 531 men in Congress we will get results. There is no question but that the time for national action has come.

Granted that suffrage has entered the national field,—then the time has come to enter the national election campaigns. Next there arises the question, what shall be our election policy?

The policy of the Congressional Union is based on the fact that the Party in power at Washington—at this moment the Democratic Party—is responsible for the fate of the suffrage amendment just as it is considered responsible for action on the tariff, the currency, or the trust question. It is based on the fact that our government is a government by party—that the personal opinion of the individual counts for little when in opposition to the party position. It recognizes that it will not avail simply to return to Congress “menwho believe inWoman Suffrage." Thirty-four men who believed in Woman Suffrage have sat in the House as representatives of the equal suffrage states since April, 1913, and have not been permitted to cast a vote on suffrage. Why? Because the Democratic leaders in the House smothered the suffrage amendment in committee.

The record of the Democratic Party on suffrage throughout the 63rd Congress, has been, as is well known, one of evasion and opposition. Seven times the President, the leader of the Party, has refused his powerful aid. In the Senate the measure was blocked by the Democratic leaders who brought it to a vote at a time when we knew, and they knew, it would be defeated. Moreover, its defeat was due to the failure of the Democratic Party to give the Party support to the bill. In the House the Rules Committee has consistently blocked the amendment—both by preventing the creation of a suffrage committee and by preventing consideration of the amendment in the House. And the Rules Committee is the mouthpiece of the Democratic leaders. In the words of its acting chairman, “It has in its keeping the policy

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of the Democratic Party.' The Democratic caucus, in addition, has taken definite action against our movement. Not only did it refuse to sanction the creation of a suffrage committee, but declared that the question of suffrage was not even a matter for national consideration!

That the dominant Party is responsible for the action on suffrage cannot be disputed. And that this Party's action has been that of continued unfriendliness, also admits of no question

We must, therefore, in the coming election convince the dominant Party and all other parties that opposition to suffrage is inexpedient. Anc this they will believe if they see such oppositior costing them votes.

We come, then, to the final question. To wha voting constituency can we appeal for support What constituency will show by its vote that i disapproves of the Democratic suffrage record This brings us inevitably to the woman's vott in the West. There lies our strength.

We have hardly begun to realize the power o this vote. We talk of the Irish vote, the Catholi vote, the Jewish vote, the labor vote, the Germar vote, and attribute to each an immense power But far greater is the power to affect nationa legislation possessed by the woman's vote. Thi is a great latent power to which we have neve appealed. Now, for the first time, we ask womer to stand by women to end this sixty years o struggle.

The ballot is. a tool which its possessor shoul use for the highest purpose, and the greatest pur pose to which the women of the West can pu their ballot is to use it to promote suffrage th country over. All other issues—the tariff, cur rency, trust legislation, Panama tolls,—sink int insignificance beside it. No woman can make higher use of her vote than to cast it for the ex tension of suffrage over the whole country. An there is no question that the women's vote ca accomplish this end. If political leaders find tha their party wins or loses at election time accord ing to its position on the suffrage question, th fight will be won.

We appeal therefore to the women voters the nine free states—to those women who hav won freedom for themselves, and may now wi it for the whole nation—to cast their vote on thi one issue. Once well done, it will never have t be done again.

We ask them, in the name of our common we manhood, to lend their hand, more powerful tha ours, to the great task of enfranchising all th women of America. For the sake of the wome of the future, for the health and well-being the nation, we ask them to rebuke the part which has opposed the enfranchisement of womer We ask them to withhold their support from th Democratic candidates for Congress.

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